Jul 26, 2010
Apathy? Far from it
I WAS impressed by Europe correspondent Jonathan Eyal's insightful comments ('History as it should be taught'; July 17) on the crossroads of teaching history in British schools, only to be disconcerted by his assertions about 'citizens of the old colonies'.
After suggesting the pitfalls of choosing between neglecting and engaging with the history of the British Empire, Mr Eyal concludes that the only 'consolation' is that formerly colonised citizens 'no longer care, one way or another'. He presents this ignorance as a post-colonial triumph. But why should apathy be considered a 'consolation', and for whom?
To say that the seduction of 'globalisation and economic growth' leads directly to such historical indifference is reductive.
Instead of being 'content to retain their Victoria streets', as Mr Eyal suggests, the Mumbai authorities bowed to pressure from Hindu right-wingers to rename Victoria Terminus in 1996. Replacing colonial names with names of local origin has continued since independence from British rule, pursued with growing enthusiasm in countries such as Myanmar.
Even if Mr Eyal was referring primarily to Singapore, with its seemingly superficial attachment to all names colonial, the reality is far more complex.
Rather than offer superficial, symbolic associations, the book, Singapore Through 19th Century Photographs, by Mr Jason Toh actively engages with colonial architecture and city planning.
Last year, a National Museum of Singapore exhibition featured public lectures, which interpreted the physical environment of colonial Singapore, while a tour of the landscape of 19th century Singapore through visual records was sold out.
Apart from such academic efforts, colonial history resounds in current affairs. The fact that the British administered Pedra Branca for 100 years heavily influenced the International Court of Justice case between Singapore and Malaysia in 2008.
More recently, it was revealed that the KTM railway land, originally thought to be Malaysian property, had in fact been leased from the British Straits Settlements from 1918. Such imperial developments reverberate strongly today.
Still, Mr Eyal surprisingly concludes that 'coming to terms' with the largest empire in history is, just 13 years after the return of Hong Kong, 'now a problem for the British alone'. I am one of these 'citizens of the old colonies' who Mr Eyal claims no longer cares how the history of the empire is approached. As a Singaporean undergraduate studying history in Britain, I could not disagree more.
Ashish Ravinran
[This letter doesn't really belong here because it is rather well-written and the author does have a point - that apathy should not be a consolation prize. But then again, I don't believe Eyal was presenting this as a "consolation prize". Rather, he was making a comment, perhaps cynical, that how the British represents themselves to their populace is not going to be very controversial as opposed to say the Japanese rewriting their history text to gloss over the events of World War II.
So Eyal is not wrong to say that citizens of old colonies (or ex-colonies) would not care one way or another how the British engage (or don't engage) their citizens. A a Singaporean undergrad studying history in Britain, the writer disagrees. Of course he would. He's a history student. Specialising in British History. But I think we can safely assume that he is the exception that proves the rule.
As for the cases of imperial rule reverberating to contemporary issues, they make an interesting footnote but are irrelevant to the issue which is how Britain will engage their citizens on their history. It is not about whether there are influences for the ex-colonies, but rather how to teach British history to the British. And on that most citizens of ex-colonies would not care how it is done. So Eyal is right, and the writer is confused about the point Eyal is making.]
Sunday, July 25, 2010
Tuesday, July 20, 2010
LATEST FLOODS - It's time to start a proper investigation
Jul 20, 2010
AS A concerned citizen watching the physical transformation of Singapore over the last 50 years, I have often wondered whether there are any downside risks that come with such development.
Our land mass has grown by an amazing 25 per cent in almost half a century to 775.5 sq km. In fact, the entire shape of Singapore has changed along with our ethnography, transportation and management of water resources, down to the way we work and play.
[I always get wary when writers used big words that don't mean what they think it means. "Ethnography" does not mean ethnic composition.]
According to a study, Singapore's coastline has been strikingly transformed not solely by territorial expansion through land filling or reclamation, but also by the closure of the estuaries of the main rivers draining the interior of the island.
To what extent has such a closure and relentless construction contributed to the floods in recent years?
To what extent, too, has the loss of 40 per cent of our natural forests, from 37.8 sq km to 22.6 sq km between 1960 and 2006, affected the island's ability to absorb torrential downpours?
It would be unfair to pick on the PUB or hold drainage as the culprit for the flooding. Neither should we cite Typhoon Conson as being a possible cause for our floods. It is simply too convenient.
[Ah! So you want an Inconvenient Truth? A conspiracy theory perhaps? So if it walks like a duck, quacks like a duck, and swims like a duck, it might well be a talented chicken who can swim and speak a second language? Or maybe... IT'S A DUCK!]
The Government should start a Commission of Inquiry to examine why the recent floods have been concentrated mainly in the central and southern parts of the island, whereas the northern, north-western and north-eastern parts have been largely spared.
[Let's see, could it be because the storm came from the Southeast and by the time it passed the central region, it had dumped most of the rain? Or that really, if the rain fell in the forest and there was no one around to see it, did it flood?]
Has this to do with the closing of the river estuaries and the massive construction and urbanisation in the city and the surrounding suburbs?
Until we arrive at a more multi-dimensional root cause for the problem, we will, at best, get only a piecemeal solution.
[Or maybe it's the fact that 100 mm of rain fell within 2 hours which is 60% of the entire month's average rainfall (June), and 180 mm of rain fell in 2 hours which was MORE than the ENTIRE month's average rainfall (July). The wettest month in Singapore is Dec with an average of 300 mm in total for the whole month. So 180mm in 2 hours is FREAKING unusual for ANY month. This is a "convenient" excuse? As a comparison, Typhoon Ketsana in 2009 dumped over 400 mm of rain on the worst hit region of the Philippines over 6 t0 12 hours. In other regions, the same amount of rain, 180 mm, fell over 6 to 12 hours.
But yes, there is more to it than, "it rained a lot" or "it was as wet as a typhoon". The question we should be asking is, whether the past can be used to predict the future. Whether past averages are a valid baseline for measurement. Or whether the 3 floods within the period of 1 month is going to be a freak occurrence. It is not impossible that 2 freak incidents (Sumatran squall and typhoons) occurs one after another. Just as it is not impossible to roll 6 on a dice 3, 4, 5, or even 6 times in a row. The point is, it could well be coincidence, aided by a confluence of factors. La Nina could be a cause, and if it is, then we might expect this to repeat every three years. Or if this is due to a long term or permanent trend in Singapore weather, then definitely we should upgrade our drainage to meet the new storm patterns. But, if this is only a freak confluence of "the perfect storm" conditions, then upgrading the drainage would be unnecessary.]
As a world-class city, we cannot afford to sink like Venice or swim like New Orleans.
Patrick Low
AS A concerned citizen watching the physical transformation of Singapore over the last 50 years, I have often wondered whether there are any downside risks that come with such development.
Our land mass has grown by an amazing 25 per cent in almost half a century to 775.5 sq km. In fact, the entire shape of Singapore has changed along with our ethnography, transportation and management of water resources, down to the way we work and play.
[I always get wary when writers used big words that don't mean what they think it means. "Ethnography" does not mean ethnic composition.]
According to a study, Singapore's coastline has been strikingly transformed not solely by territorial expansion through land filling or reclamation, but also by the closure of the estuaries of the main rivers draining the interior of the island.
To what extent has such a closure and relentless construction contributed to the floods in recent years?
To what extent, too, has the loss of 40 per cent of our natural forests, from 37.8 sq km to 22.6 sq km between 1960 and 2006, affected the island's ability to absorb torrential downpours?
It would be unfair to pick on the PUB or hold drainage as the culprit for the flooding. Neither should we cite Typhoon Conson as being a possible cause for our floods. It is simply too convenient.
[Ah! So you want an Inconvenient Truth? A conspiracy theory perhaps? So if it walks like a duck, quacks like a duck, and swims like a duck, it might well be a talented chicken who can swim and speak a second language? Or maybe... IT'S A DUCK!]
The Government should start a Commission of Inquiry to examine why the recent floods have been concentrated mainly in the central and southern parts of the island, whereas the northern, north-western and north-eastern parts have been largely spared.
[Let's see, could it be because the storm came from the Southeast and by the time it passed the central region, it had dumped most of the rain? Or that really, if the rain fell in the forest and there was no one around to see it, did it flood?]
Has this to do with the closing of the river estuaries and the massive construction and urbanisation in the city and the surrounding suburbs?
Until we arrive at a more multi-dimensional root cause for the problem, we will, at best, get only a piecemeal solution.
[Or maybe it's the fact that 100 mm of rain fell within 2 hours which is 60% of the entire month's average rainfall (June), and 180 mm of rain fell in 2 hours which was MORE than the ENTIRE month's average rainfall (July). The wettest month in Singapore is Dec with an average of 300 mm in total for the whole month. So 180mm in 2 hours is FREAKING unusual for ANY month. This is a "convenient" excuse? As a comparison, Typhoon Ketsana in 2009 dumped over 400 mm of rain on the worst hit region of the Philippines over 6 t0 12 hours. In other regions, the same amount of rain, 180 mm, fell over 6 to 12 hours.
But yes, there is more to it than, "it rained a lot" or "it was as wet as a typhoon". The question we should be asking is, whether the past can be used to predict the future. Whether past averages are a valid baseline for measurement. Or whether the 3 floods within the period of 1 month is going to be a freak occurrence. It is not impossible that 2 freak incidents (Sumatran squall and typhoons) occurs one after another. Just as it is not impossible to roll 6 on a dice 3, 4, 5, or even 6 times in a row. The point is, it could well be coincidence, aided by a confluence of factors. La Nina could be a cause, and if it is, then we might expect this to repeat every three years. Or if this is due to a long term or permanent trend in Singapore weather, then definitely we should upgrade our drainage to meet the new storm patterns. But, if this is only a freak confluence of "the perfect storm" conditions, then upgrading the drainage would be unnecessary.]
As a world-class city, we cannot afford to sink like Venice or swim like New Orleans.
Patrick Low
Sunday, July 11, 2010
Add more carriages to trains
Jul 11, 2010
I refer to last Sunday's article, 'Peak-hour crush'.
While it is true that the current infrastructure limits train capacity, as SMRT has pointed out, the issue has to be resolved because Singapore's population will continue to grow, and trains still have to carry more passengers.
Hence, it is myopic to maintain the status quo in our transport situation.
Here is a suggestion on how to improve the situation: Extend our six-carriage trains by adding two more carriages each - that is, one extra carriage at each end.
The load capacity of each train would effectively be increased by a third.
But how would these eight-carriage trains fit into current station platforms, which are only six carriages long?
To put it simply, they do not have to. The first and second carriages could share a common carriage door, while the seventh and eighth carriages could share another.
Though passengers get onto the trains at every station, most get off only at stations within the Central Business District (CBD).
The additional carriages would cater for passengers who are expected to alight at these stations, where the trains pretty much 'empty out'.
Yin Shanyang
[I should be more optimistic and supportive of good ideas. And this theoretically is a good idea. However in practice... I'm not optimistic. At least with buses, the drivers can try to cajole passengers to move to the rear to make room for incoming passengers, and practice a tacit blackmail by not moving the bus until passengers heed his pleas. On a train, during rush hour, with 2 or 3 minutes intervals between trains, drivers do not have the luxury... for trains with drivers. No one to shout, "Ao buay bo quee!" ("There're no ghosts at the back of the bus!") to use humour to try to get passengers to comply.
With the extra carriages which are rather long, and with only one exit now, only a few rational and non-kiasu Singaporeans will move to these carriages and most passengers will crowd at the doors. As it is, the carriages at the extreme ends are usually less crowded because most people find the cars at the extreme ends rather inconvenient (too far), let alone carriages beyond the platforms.
Better to just run more trains on a tighter schedule - like every 90 seconds during peak hours.]
I refer to last Sunday's article, 'Peak-hour crush'.
While it is true that the current infrastructure limits train capacity, as SMRT has pointed out, the issue has to be resolved because Singapore's population will continue to grow, and trains still have to carry more passengers.
Hence, it is myopic to maintain the status quo in our transport situation.
Here is a suggestion on how to improve the situation: Extend our six-carriage trains by adding two more carriages each - that is, one extra carriage at each end.
The load capacity of each train would effectively be increased by a third.
But how would these eight-carriage trains fit into current station platforms, which are only six carriages long?
To put it simply, they do not have to. The first and second carriages could share a common carriage door, while the seventh and eighth carriages could share another.
Though passengers get onto the trains at every station, most get off only at stations within the Central Business District (CBD).
The additional carriages would cater for passengers who are expected to alight at these stations, where the trains pretty much 'empty out'.
Yin Shanyang
[I should be more optimistic and supportive of good ideas. And this theoretically is a good idea. However in practice... I'm not optimistic. At least with buses, the drivers can try to cajole passengers to move to the rear to make room for incoming passengers, and practice a tacit blackmail by not moving the bus until passengers heed his pleas. On a train, during rush hour, with 2 or 3 minutes intervals between trains, drivers do not have the luxury... for trains with drivers. No one to shout, "Ao buay bo quee!" ("There're no ghosts at the back of the bus!") to use humour to try to get passengers to comply.
With the extra carriages which are rather long, and with only one exit now, only a few rational and non-kiasu Singaporeans will move to these carriages and most passengers will crowd at the doors. As it is, the carriages at the extreme ends are usually less crowded because most people find the cars at the extreme ends rather inconvenient (too far), let alone carriages beyond the platforms.
Better to just run more trains on a tighter schedule - like every 90 seconds during peak hours.]
Tuesday, June 29, 2010
Who'll stop littering by the river?
[Here is a sad example of exploiting the headlines for a less serious issue.]
Jun 30, 2010
THE tragic death of the young man who fell into the Singapore River after a drinking binge, as well as the recent floods, highlights the problem of littering along our waterways.
[You would be led to think that the young man who drowned must have slipped on litter and fell into the river. An image in my mind of the drunken youth slipping on a carelessly tossed beer bottle, and fallling into the river is created.]
Far too many groups of people gather along the banks of the Singapore River, especially on Friday and Saturday nights, and consume vast quantities of alcohol and food.
[So not only are they drunk, but they are gluttonous, as well. Revise image in mind. Replace youth with drunken FAT youth.]
Even comparatively quieter areas of the riverside, such as the stretch between Saiboo Street and Kim Seng Road, resemble 'war zones' on Saturday and Sunday mornings with drink bottles, cans, food scraps and plastic bags fouling the banks, bridges and river.
[Revise image in mind. Now drunken FAT youth is picking his way amidst the "war zone" of litter, BUT steps on a "land mine" of a beer bottle anyway!]
Obviously, the security staff of the condominiums and hotels that line the river do not have the authority to ask these revellers to move on or clean up after themselves.
[Okay. Not sure what this point is. Was the falling in the river witnessed by a hapless condo security guard?]
Rampant littering will undoubtedly cause drainage problems, especially when heavy rain coincides with high tide.
[Wait a minute! So was the FAT youth's body found trapped in some culvert thus causing flooding in Orchard Road?]
If vandalism attracts an automatic punishment of caning, surely littering calls for severe penalties.
Not only are we rapidly losing the distinction of being among the cleanest cities in the world, but we are also exposing ourselves to flood risks which severely impact the economy.
[Right. So we want to hang onto our reputation as having one of the harshest laws in a democratic country, as well as being the cleanest city, and also one of the most economically vibrant. Now if the writer can somehow tie in our Housing shortage, COE prices, Immigration policies, and CPF for retirement to this drowning, we would have the unified theory of what makes Singapore work.]
Jairam Amrith
[I am amazed at the logic that can flow from one man's drowning to litter. Actually the poor guy's death has nothing to do with litter, other than the fact that he might have contributed to the litter before he died. But he would be consoled that he did not die in vain. At least in his death, he offered Mr Amrith a chance for irrelevant hyperbole.]
.
Jun 30, 2010
THE tragic death of the young man who fell into the Singapore River after a drinking binge, as well as the recent floods, highlights the problem of littering along our waterways.
[You would be led to think that the young man who drowned must have slipped on litter and fell into the river. An image in my mind of the drunken youth slipping on a carelessly tossed beer bottle, and fallling into the river is created.]
Far too many groups of people gather along the banks of the Singapore River, especially on Friday and Saturday nights, and consume vast quantities of alcohol and food.
[So not only are they drunk, but they are gluttonous, as well. Revise image in mind. Replace youth with drunken FAT youth.]
Even comparatively quieter areas of the riverside, such as the stretch between Saiboo Street and Kim Seng Road, resemble 'war zones' on Saturday and Sunday mornings with drink bottles, cans, food scraps and plastic bags fouling the banks, bridges and river.
[Revise image in mind. Now drunken FAT youth is picking his way amidst the "war zone" of litter, BUT steps on a "land mine" of a beer bottle anyway!]
Obviously, the security staff of the condominiums and hotels that line the river do not have the authority to ask these revellers to move on or clean up after themselves.
[Okay. Not sure what this point is. Was the falling in the river witnessed by a hapless condo security guard?]
Rampant littering will undoubtedly cause drainage problems, especially when heavy rain coincides with high tide.
[Wait a minute! So was the FAT youth's body found trapped in some culvert thus causing flooding in Orchard Road?]
If vandalism attracts an automatic punishment of caning, surely littering calls for severe penalties.
Not only are we rapidly losing the distinction of being among the cleanest cities in the world, but we are also exposing ourselves to flood risks which severely impact the economy.
[Right. So we want to hang onto our reputation as having one of the harshest laws in a democratic country, as well as being the cleanest city, and also one of the most economically vibrant. Now if the writer can somehow tie in our Housing shortage, COE prices, Immigration policies, and CPF for retirement to this drowning, we would have the unified theory of what makes Singapore work.]
Jairam Amrith
[I am amazed at the logic that can flow from one man's drowning to litter. Actually the poor guy's death has nothing to do with litter, other than the fact that he might have contributed to the litter before he died. But he would be consoled that he did not die in vain. At least in his death, he offered Mr Amrith a chance for irrelevant hyperbole.]
.
Tuesday, May 4, 2010
Isn't GRC system affirmative action?
May 3, 2010
I REFER to last Thursday's report, 'Foreign Ministry responds to UN expert's comments'. On the sensitive issue of race, Singapore's Ministry of Foreign Affairs noted that United Nations Special Rapporteur Githu Muigai appears to advocate some form of 'affirmative action' to help the Malays progress in the area of education.
This approach, according to the ministry, 'has been tried by many countries without notable success'.
Even the president of the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (Muis) told Mr Muigai that the Malays in Singapore do not need any affirmative action policy because 'the Malay community had a deep sense of pride in its own ability to achieve steady progress under the national system of meritocracy'.
If affirmative action is frowned on by minorities themselves, why does the Government insist on keeping the group representation constituency (GRC) system in the political landscape? The GRC system, as propagated by the Government, ensures minority representation. Thus it is an affirmative action policy.
Does it make sense that the minorities in Singapore need affirmative action only to protect their political rights and everything else can be based on meritocracy?
[Because voters don't always vote on merit. They vote based on affinity and affiliation - i.e. race. Malaysia has tried living with race-based political parties, and the system is unravelling now. If your claim to representation is how ethnic you are, then you have to be more ethnic than your opponent and that just spirals down into extremism. When voting and elections are a meritocratic and transparent process, then yes, do away with the GRC. But voting is inherently confidential and in fact secret. And people are free to use any criteria, including race, to choose their candidates, and because politics is inherently local, and voters are generally selfish, the results will be domination by the ethnic majority.]
The minorities have spoken. They have the ability to achieve progress under the national system of meritocracy. The Government should recognise that and abolish the GRC system.
We are no longer living in the past. The tumultuous period of our early years can only serve as a lesson for all ethnic groups to maintain racial harmony at all costs. The past should not impede the desire of our multiracial populace to achieve the goal of becoming one nation, one people.
[Spoken like a true ideologue. What "desire of our multi-racial populace to achieve the goal of becoming one nation, one people?" Do you wake up each morning thinking about becoming one people with your Malay and Indian friends? Even now, new stress lines between Legacy Singaporeans and new Singaporeans and PRs are surfacing. What more existing ethnic lines? We don't need to live in the past to make the mistakes of the past. We can in fact make fresh mistakes. Low Thia Kiang speaks to the voters in the Teochew vernacular as part of his campaigning. Unless a minority candidate can do the same, they won't be able to even connect with some of these voters.]
The GRC system, as an affirmative action policy, can take our nation only one step forward in theory and three steps backward in nation-building.
[How?]
Png Eng Huat
[This is just a pretext to argue against the GRC, whether for political or racial reasons.]
I REFER to last Thursday's report, 'Foreign Ministry responds to UN expert's comments'. On the sensitive issue of race, Singapore's Ministry of Foreign Affairs noted that United Nations Special Rapporteur Githu Muigai appears to advocate some form of 'affirmative action' to help the Malays progress in the area of education.
This approach, according to the ministry, 'has been tried by many countries without notable success'.
Even the president of the Islamic Religious Council of Singapore (Muis) told Mr Muigai that the Malays in Singapore do not need any affirmative action policy because 'the Malay community had a deep sense of pride in its own ability to achieve steady progress under the national system of meritocracy'.
If affirmative action is frowned on by minorities themselves, why does the Government insist on keeping the group representation constituency (GRC) system in the political landscape? The GRC system, as propagated by the Government, ensures minority representation. Thus it is an affirmative action policy.
Does it make sense that the minorities in Singapore need affirmative action only to protect their political rights and everything else can be based on meritocracy?
[Because voters don't always vote on merit. They vote based on affinity and affiliation - i.e. race. Malaysia has tried living with race-based political parties, and the system is unravelling now. If your claim to representation is how ethnic you are, then you have to be more ethnic than your opponent and that just spirals down into extremism. When voting and elections are a meritocratic and transparent process, then yes, do away with the GRC. But voting is inherently confidential and in fact secret. And people are free to use any criteria, including race, to choose their candidates, and because politics is inherently local, and voters are generally selfish, the results will be domination by the ethnic majority.]
The minorities have spoken. They have the ability to achieve progress under the national system of meritocracy. The Government should recognise that and abolish the GRC system.
We are no longer living in the past. The tumultuous period of our early years can only serve as a lesson for all ethnic groups to maintain racial harmony at all costs. The past should not impede the desire of our multiracial populace to achieve the goal of becoming one nation, one people.
[Spoken like a true ideologue. What "desire of our multi-racial populace to achieve the goal of becoming one nation, one people?" Do you wake up each morning thinking about becoming one people with your Malay and Indian friends? Even now, new stress lines between Legacy Singaporeans and new Singaporeans and PRs are surfacing. What more existing ethnic lines? We don't need to live in the past to make the mistakes of the past. We can in fact make fresh mistakes. Low Thia Kiang speaks to the voters in the Teochew vernacular as part of his campaigning. Unless a minority candidate can do the same, they won't be able to even connect with some of these voters.]
The GRC system, as an affirmative action policy, can take our nation only one step forward in theory and three steps backward in nation-building.
[How?]
Png Eng Huat
[This is just a pretext to argue against the GRC, whether for political or racial reasons.]
NS in hospital or the police?
From Today, 4 May 2010
by Tang Li
AS A Singaporean who served National Service (NS) in a combat unit (23 SA, 1994-1997), I enjoyed Paul Gilfeather's commentary "A lesson from Singapore"(April 29). However, much as I appreciate his endorsement of our NS and my own experiences in it, I have to ask myself if NS - as we know it - is still as relevant to the current state of affairs.
Singapore established NS in March 1967 because there was a need to build a credible defence force and deterrent as quickly as possible with limited resources. Thanks to more than 40 years of NS, Singapore can mobilise nearly half a million soldiers if the need arises. Foreign military experts have described the Singapore Armed Forces as capable of defending Singapore effectively.
However, while Singapore's defence policy has thus far proved to be the right one, one has to ask if the institution of NS is suitably geared to the wars of tomorrow?
There are fewer and fewer conflicts between nation states. More often conflicts are between nation states and international terrorist groups. The United States talks about war with Al Qaeda and not with Afghanistan. Israel fights the Hezbollah and Hamas rather than Syria. In South-east Asia, we are more likely to see a scenario where we work with our neighbours to defeat groups like Abu Sayyaf or Jemaah Islamiah.
Armed forces are moving away from being about delivering massive firepower on the battlefield to being about delivering "smart" firepower on specific targets. Special forces like the British Special Air Service or the US Navy Seals are growing in prominence.
Yes, it's important to still have the capability to fight a conventional war. Yes, NS is a credible deterrent. And, yes, NS is still important to Singapore society.
However, is our ability to mobilise as many troops as we can a little outdated? Should we instead focus more on training a smaller force of more specialised troops?
[Rumsfeld thought he could win a quick war with some well-equipped troops to "shock and awe" their enemy combatants. The answer the writer's question is in his own preceding paragraph. There is still a need for capability to fight a conventional war. To do that the ability to mobilise and mass troops is still necessary.]
If the SAF were to become more specialised and require less manpower (bearing in mind that birth rates have fallen and cohorts are getting smaller), where could the remaining enlistees be sent to?
One possibility is the Ministry of Home Affairs: To work with the Immigration and Checkpoints Authority or the police.
Given the growing likelihood that the enemy of the future will be a terrorist group, it is important that our NS personnel be trained in investigation and working with civilians.
Another area where more NS personnel could be deployed is in the Ministry of Health, where they could learn first aid skills and also help to ease manpower shortages at hospitals. In the event of a terrorist attack, shouldn't the majority of our population be able to deal with the wounded?
Our economy is moving away from labour-intensive manufacturing that competes on price to more-advanced, value-added services, where a premium is placed on brain power rather than manpower. To prepare Singaporeans to meet the needs of the economy, we are training our workers to work smart and be more productive.
Perhaps, NS should mirror the transformation in our economy - training Singaporeans who are prepared to "serve" smart.
[The purpose of the army must continue to be to provide deterrence. Yes, we will have to evolve measures and response to terrorist threats. Yes, response to terrorists is not the same as response to a massing enemy army at our borders. Yes, terrorism, incursions like the Mumbai attack, and other asymmetric attacks are more likely than conventional war, but if we only prepare for such asymmetric wars, guess what? We become vulnerable to conventional attacks. The invasion of Kuwait by the Iraqi forces was a conventional invasion. The Kuwaitis had no standing army. The moment we let down our guard against conventional invasion, the more likely it becomes. So no, it is not time to hang up our open mobilisation exercises.]
by Tang Li
AS A Singaporean who served National Service (NS) in a combat unit (23 SA, 1994-1997), I enjoyed Paul Gilfeather's commentary "A lesson from Singapore"(April 29). However, much as I appreciate his endorsement of our NS and my own experiences in it, I have to ask myself if NS - as we know it - is still as relevant to the current state of affairs.
Singapore established NS in March 1967 because there was a need to build a credible defence force and deterrent as quickly as possible with limited resources. Thanks to more than 40 years of NS, Singapore can mobilise nearly half a million soldiers if the need arises. Foreign military experts have described the Singapore Armed Forces as capable of defending Singapore effectively.
However, while Singapore's defence policy has thus far proved to be the right one, one has to ask if the institution of NS is suitably geared to the wars of tomorrow?
There are fewer and fewer conflicts between nation states. More often conflicts are between nation states and international terrorist groups. The United States talks about war with Al Qaeda and not with Afghanistan. Israel fights the Hezbollah and Hamas rather than Syria. In South-east Asia, we are more likely to see a scenario where we work with our neighbours to defeat groups like Abu Sayyaf or Jemaah Islamiah.
Armed forces are moving away from being about delivering massive firepower on the battlefield to being about delivering "smart" firepower on specific targets. Special forces like the British Special Air Service or the US Navy Seals are growing in prominence.
Yes, it's important to still have the capability to fight a conventional war. Yes, NS is a credible deterrent. And, yes, NS is still important to Singapore society.
However, is our ability to mobilise as many troops as we can a little outdated? Should we instead focus more on training a smaller force of more specialised troops?
[Rumsfeld thought he could win a quick war with some well-equipped troops to "shock and awe" their enemy combatants. The answer the writer's question is in his own preceding paragraph. There is still a need for capability to fight a conventional war. To do that the ability to mobilise and mass troops is still necessary.]
If the SAF were to become more specialised and require less manpower (bearing in mind that birth rates have fallen and cohorts are getting smaller), where could the remaining enlistees be sent to?
One possibility is the Ministry of Home Affairs: To work with the Immigration and Checkpoints Authority or the police.
Given the growing likelihood that the enemy of the future will be a terrorist group, it is important that our NS personnel be trained in investigation and working with civilians.
Another area where more NS personnel could be deployed is in the Ministry of Health, where they could learn first aid skills and also help to ease manpower shortages at hospitals. In the event of a terrorist attack, shouldn't the majority of our population be able to deal with the wounded?
Our economy is moving away from labour-intensive manufacturing that competes on price to more-advanced, value-added services, where a premium is placed on brain power rather than manpower. To prepare Singaporeans to meet the needs of the economy, we are training our workers to work smart and be more productive.
Perhaps, NS should mirror the transformation in our economy - training Singaporeans who are prepared to "serve" smart.
[The purpose of the army must continue to be to provide deterrence. Yes, we will have to evolve measures and response to terrorist threats. Yes, response to terrorists is not the same as response to a massing enemy army at our borders. Yes, terrorism, incursions like the Mumbai attack, and other asymmetric attacks are more likely than conventional war, but if we only prepare for such asymmetric wars, guess what? We become vulnerable to conventional attacks. The invasion of Kuwait by the Iraqi forces was a conventional invasion. The Kuwaitis had no standing army. The moment we let down our guard against conventional invasion, the more likely it becomes. So no, it is not time to hang up our open mobilisation exercises.]
Saturday, May 1, 2010
Are they well thought out?
May 1, 2010
ELECTION CHANGES
THE changes to the Non-Constituency MP and Nominated MP schemes, the average size of group representation constituencies and the number of single-seat wards appear too utilitarian in intent and approach.
["Too utilitarian"? So should be less useful? More idealistic? Needs more bells and whistles to dress up the drab utilitarianism?]
The Government must be commended for its courage to implement novel - though unconventional - means of providing Singaporeans with both a strong majority government and an alternative voice in Parliament.
Many trust the Government has the longer-term interest of Singaporeans at heart and that the changes are made for the overall good of Singapore.
It appears we can have our cake and eat it too.
However, the idea that the political process can be changed so easily according to the prevailing political climate discomforts me. Surely the ruling People's Action Party will be foolhardy to consider these changes if, some day in the future, the opposition gets to control close to half of Parliament.
[If there are more than 9 opposition members voted into parliament, there would be no NCMP. Just as currently, if there are more than 3 Opposition MP, there would be no NCMP. Under current rules as approved by the President, the total of Opposition + NCMP cannot be > 3 (The rules however, allow the President to approve up to 6). By the time opposition gains almost half the seats in parliament, NCMP would be irrelevant. Heck, by the time they win 9 seats, NCMP would be irrelevant.]
What if these adjustments to the political system prove 'too' successful for the incumbent's liking? What if more opposition candidates win seats in Parliament in future elections?
Will the PAP then feel its political survival is under threat? Will it then respond by reversing these changes?
[If the writer is referring to the other changes - increasing the number of SMCs and reducing the size/candidates per GRC, these changes would give the opposition a better chance of actually taking an SMC or GRC. And with the game stacked against the opposition, a little leveling of the playing field can only be good. If in spite of all the advantages the PAP candidates enjoy they are still unable to win the election, then they deserve to lose, as LKY has said of even Mah Bow Tan.
Maybe if the PAP deteriorates to the point where they lose the trust of the people, the competence to govern, and the integrity to bow to the will of the people, they may well try to reverse the changes to the GRC system. But that is another story in another situation.]
What will this say about our democratic process? Is it a national ideal we consciously strive to improve and uphold, or a lowly tool to achieve a higher good?
[To summarise this writer's argument: These changes are all well and good, but when things start to look bad for the PAP, what will they do then? They'll reverse the changes showing that they pay lip service to democratic process when it is convenient for them, but will cast it aside when it no longer suits them. The problem with this argument? Hasn't happened yet. Ascribes ill-intent to the PAP in the future. Don't know if it will ever happen.]
Han Tau Kwang
[Certainly the PAP has no role to play to help the opposition win seats in Parliament. Or does it? The PAP astutely understands that voters know all about tricks and strategies, and can see that the current set up skews the playing field in favour of the PAP. Sure the opposition can win SMCs but GRCs? They haven't won one yet.
The changes to the parliament and the GRC system is to address two issues.
Firstly, the voters want alternative voices in parliament. A pair of opposition MPs, 1 NCMP and 9 Nominated MPs provide alternative views, but just aren't enough, or valid enough. And part of the reason there aren't enough real opposition is because the system is stacked against them. And the PAP has stacked the deck. Only 9 SMCs, usually headed by PAP strongmen, 14 GRCs with up to 6 MPs in each, all anchored by a Minister, sometimes 2. The opposition has little chance with such a system.
Secondly, given the trends with new, younger voters who say, don't tell us what you did, tell us what you're going to do for us, the PAP cannot rely on historic gratitude or shared history anymore to bond with the voters and get their votes. The younger voters are more likely to say, I grew up with the PAP, I think I've outgrown them. I want change. Let's give the other side a chance. The PAP won Aljunied GRC with 56% of the votes. In the next election, it might well be lost to the opposition. With the loss will be two Ministers (George Yeo & Lim Hwee Hua). The shift of votes to the opposition may not be stoppable.
The reduction of the GRC may well be a "don't put so many eggs in one basket" strategy. We can't afford to lose two ministers. The corollary to that is, the opposition doesn't have that many "stars" anyway. A 5-man GRC may just mean 2 good opposition candidates and 3 duds. The third point is that PAP may well lose a GRC in the next election. If the opposition wins even with the bar set so high, it would be all the opposition's doing. But if they win while the bar is being lowered at the same time, the PAP can steal some of the opposition's thunder.]
ELECTION CHANGES
THE changes to the Non-Constituency MP and Nominated MP schemes, the average size of group representation constituencies and the number of single-seat wards appear too utilitarian in intent and approach.
["Too utilitarian"? So should be less useful? More idealistic? Needs more bells and whistles to dress up the drab utilitarianism?]
The Government must be commended for its courage to implement novel - though unconventional - means of providing Singaporeans with both a strong majority government and an alternative voice in Parliament.
Many trust the Government has the longer-term interest of Singaporeans at heart and that the changes are made for the overall good of Singapore.
It appears we can have our cake and eat it too.
However, the idea that the political process can be changed so easily according to the prevailing political climate discomforts me. Surely the ruling People's Action Party will be foolhardy to consider these changes if, some day in the future, the opposition gets to control close to half of Parliament.
[If there are more than 9 opposition members voted into parliament, there would be no NCMP. Just as currently, if there are more than 3 Opposition MP, there would be no NCMP. Under current rules as approved by the President, the total of Opposition + NCMP cannot be > 3 (The rules however, allow the President to approve up to 6). By the time opposition gains almost half the seats in parliament, NCMP would be irrelevant. Heck, by the time they win 9 seats, NCMP would be irrelevant.]
What if these adjustments to the political system prove 'too' successful for the incumbent's liking? What if more opposition candidates win seats in Parliament in future elections?
Will the PAP then feel its political survival is under threat? Will it then respond by reversing these changes?
[If the writer is referring to the other changes - increasing the number of SMCs and reducing the size/candidates per GRC, these changes would give the opposition a better chance of actually taking an SMC or GRC. And with the game stacked against the opposition, a little leveling of the playing field can only be good. If in spite of all the advantages the PAP candidates enjoy they are still unable to win the election, then they deserve to lose, as LKY has said of even Mah Bow Tan.
Maybe if the PAP deteriorates to the point where they lose the trust of the people, the competence to govern, and the integrity to bow to the will of the people, they may well try to reverse the changes to the GRC system. But that is another story in another situation.]
What will this say about our democratic process? Is it a national ideal we consciously strive to improve and uphold, or a lowly tool to achieve a higher good?
[To summarise this writer's argument: These changes are all well and good, but when things start to look bad for the PAP, what will they do then? They'll reverse the changes showing that they pay lip service to democratic process when it is convenient for them, but will cast it aside when it no longer suits them. The problem with this argument? Hasn't happened yet. Ascribes ill-intent to the PAP in the future. Don't know if it will ever happen.]
Han Tau Kwang
[Certainly the PAP has no role to play to help the opposition win seats in Parliament. Or does it? The PAP astutely understands that voters know all about tricks and strategies, and can see that the current set up skews the playing field in favour of the PAP. Sure the opposition can win SMCs but GRCs? They haven't won one yet.
The changes to the parliament and the GRC system is to address two issues.
Firstly, the voters want alternative voices in parliament. A pair of opposition MPs, 1 NCMP and 9 Nominated MPs provide alternative views, but just aren't enough, or valid enough. And part of the reason there aren't enough real opposition is because the system is stacked against them. And the PAP has stacked the deck. Only 9 SMCs, usually headed by PAP strongmen, 14 GRCs with up to 6 MPs in each, all anchored by a Minister, sometimes 2. The opposition has little chance with such a system.
Secondly, given the trends with new, younger voters who say, don't tell us what you did, tell us what you're going to do for us, the PAP cannot rely on historic gratitude or shared history anymore to bond with the voters and get their votes. The younger voters are more likely to say, I grew up with the PAP, I think I've outgrown them. I want change. Let's give the other side a chance. The PAP won Aljunied GRC with 56% of the votes. In the next election, it might well be lost to the opposition. With the loss will be two Ministers (George Yeo & Lim Hwee Hua). The shift of votes to the opposition may not be stoppable.
The reduction of the GRC may well be a "don't put so many eggs in one basket" strategy. We can't afford to lose two ministers. The corollary to that is, the opposition doesn't have that many "stars" anyway. A 5-man GRC may just mean 2 good opposition candidates and 3 duds. The third point is that PAP may well lose a GRC in the next election. If the opposition wins even with the bar set so high, it would be all the opposition's doing. But if they win while the bar is being lowered at the same time, the PAP can steal some of the opposition's thunder.]
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